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Аннотация:The paper deals with a number of pre- and early Hellenistic Egyptian sources that portray the rulers of that time and show the criteria of their evaluation. The analysis starts with the Demotic Chronicle (pBibl. Nat. 215 dem. recto; mid-3rd century B.C., after H. Felber) that shows the Egyptian kings of Dynasties XXVIII-XXX easily deposed, if and when they showed disinclination to follow the standard of behavior defined as “law” (hp) and, once, “way of god” (tA mi(.t) pA nTr; according to the Chronicle, it was not followed by the king Psamuth: IV/7). The meaning of the former notion (its connection to the notion of mAat and, specifically, to the kings’ benevolence towards temples) has already been well-commented (esp. by J.H. Johnson). The paper considers the question what was the reason for the repeated failure of the kings of the time to follow this imperative, as thought the authors of the Demotic Chronicle. In this connection the notion of the “way of god” it analyzed; the Demotic tA mi(.t) pA nTr is evidently a calque of the Middle Egyptian wAt nTr that means in the Late Egyptian hieroglyphic texts (most definitely in the inscriptions of the tomb of Petosiris) the standard of pious life recompensed with god’s support in the mundane and with the good existence in the hereafter. The notion of piety perceived as following this standard, as well as the idea that the humans are apt to decline from it, are equally seen in the Late Egyptian teachings (from Amenemope to Insinger, i.e. throughout the Ist Millennium B.C.). King’s performance of “law” and following “the way of god” (see also the Mendes Stela: Urk. II. 35.15, in the context) seems therefore to be assessed very much like the behavior of ordinary humans (see, significantly, about Ptolemy IV being “on the path of the pious man” - Hr my.t n rm-nTr – in the Raphia Decree, l. 17): they can decline from these imperatives due to their free will, and they are punished for that by the loss of the god’s support. Significantly, nothing is said in the relevant contexts about the king’s performance of ritual: the kings are thought to be obliged to provide for it but its performance as such seems to be the deed of the priesthood as a corporation standing aside from the kingship. These ideas must have resulted from the decrease of the royal sacrality. Such view of the kingship must have become predominant in the Egyptian mass conscience, probably, by the first decades of the 4th century B.C.: its influence is seen (though somewhat camouflaged) in the Naucratis Stela of Nectanebo I (ll. 5-6); and the Demotic Chronicle depicts with a disapproval the manipulations of Nectanebos I and II (esp. the cult of the latter’s falcon statues) intended to get reed of the god’s supremacy and to provide for the immanent presence of the sacral capacities in them. This brings to another important observation: the immanence and the inalienability of such capacities of the king, trivial in the 3rd and 2nd Millennia B.C., must have been non-existent in this view of the 4th century B.C., else the reproach of Nectaneboi in the Chronicle would have made no sense. The mechanism of the king’s recourse to the sacral capacities (in the first place, to the guaranteed success over his enemies in war) can be traced after the Chabbash’s episode of the Satrap Stela (311 B.C.). Chabbash, the interrex of ca. 337-336 B.C., is portrayed in the text (Urk. II. 16-18) as a ruler with a very weakened power: he does not possess a solar prenomen; he is not shown to have expelled the Persian foes of Egypt from the country but comes to power when this has already been done by the god Horus of Pe; he donates the domain ‘Land-of-Wadjet’ to the temples of Buto only after the hint of its priests and this donation seems to be void of ritual meaning. Finally, when the defeat of foreign foes by Horus of Pe is narrated to him, he speaks out openly: “…let me be placed upon the way of His Majesty on which a king lives!” (id. 18.10-11). The interpretation of the word Hm[w] (“Majesty”) by O.D. Berlev (1972: 33-42) as a denotation of a person or an object serving a manifestation of a deity in the mundane allows to understand that Chabbash does not believe himself to be such a manifestation of Horus and wishes to become one in order to acquire the sacral capacities of that god. The priests advise him to that effect to restore the domain ‘Land-of-Wadjet’ to the temple of Buto (which is actually in a perfect keeping with the imperative of the “law” according to the Demotic Chronicle); symptomatically, the same donation by the Satrap Ptolemy in 311 B.C. is reimbursed with granting him the sacral capacity of a guaranteed military success (Urk. II. 21.8-9) apart of the formal royal status. The possibility of these two qualities being separated is the innovation of the Satrap Stela backed, obviously, by the idea that the sacral capacities are granted to (and taken away from) the ruler by the will of god, in dependence of his piety or impiety. The episode of the Satrap Stela together with a number of another evidence (including the predictions of the Demotic Chronicle about the advent of the ruler “from Heracleopolis” and especially the enthronement of his son: III/11) shows that the mechanism of this transfer of sacral capacities was probably the embodiment of the god Horus, son of Osiris and Isis, in the ruler. Probably, in the ideas of the 4th century B.C. the other regalia (the statuses of nsw-bity and sA-Ra and the Horus’ name itself) would not work automatically to the same effect.