Аннотация:The paper discusses semantics and syntax of class of Russian predicatives which select a dative subject and at once denote parametric features of spatiotemporal situations and an intensional state quantified on the experiential subject, cf. X-у тяжело/легко носить сумку ‘It is difficult/easy for X to carry the bag’, X-у светло/темно lit. ‘It is illuminated/dark to X’. The valency on a dative experiencer serves as a diagnostics for a semantic class of indeclinable nominal predicatives which license Dative-Predicative Structures in Russian. I prove that predicatives and adjectival elements licensing Dative-Nominative Structures are syntactic homonyms with different features regarding agreement control, selection of the priority argument, conditions on its animacy and conditions on merging extended Quantifier Phrases of the type [DP D [QP Q N]]. Those Russian predicatives which select dative subjects, do not take standard nominative subjects. I argue that indeclinable predicatives like по силам1 ‘in the reach of X’, по карману1 ‘X can afford’, по пояс1 ‘belt-high’ vs predicate heads licensing Dative-Nominative Structures X-у Y-и были по силам2, по карману2, по пояс2 are not realizations of the same underlying elements but homonyms. The constraint of the spell-out of mandatory semantic arguments with parametric predicatives по колено ‘knee-high’, малО́ ‘<the coat or shoes are> not enough for X’, великО́ ‘<the coat or shoes are> large for X’ is predicted by general conditions of the build-up of dative sentence patterns in Russian.