Аннотация:The aim of the paper is to examine differences between subject and object control infinitives in Russian for yet another phenomenon usually restricted by clause-level locality — licensing of negative concord items. It turns out that negative concord is licit across the infinitive’s boundary but illicit across the finite clause’s boundary. Interestingly, negative concord in subject control infinitives is rated much higher than in object control infinitives; yet, the latter is still acceptable (Lyutikova & Gerasimova 2021). To account for these oppositions in respondents’ ratings we need a three-way distinction between subject control infinitives, object control infinitives and finite embedding. In my talk, I put forward the hypothesis about the structural difference between subject and object control infinitives explaining their behavior with respect to negative concord; I also show that this hypothesis can be successfully applied to account for other differences between subject and object control infinitives outlined above.
